Almost all schools and educational institutions in India, from the pre-primary to postgraduate level, were suddenly closed without any preparation in March 2020, following the lockdown declared by the Central Government. Although schools and educational institutions were opened gradually after the announcement of the Unlock 5 Guidelines on October 15, 2020 (the guidelines contain substantial State-wise differences), many were still not fully opened even in January 2021. In short, school education in much of India was suspended for almost one year.

Soon after the lockdown came into effect, many schools and private educational enterprises implemented various measures to support young students who were forced to be at home. However, these measures, such as online learning, TV programmes, and alternative classes, were not enjoyed equally by all children. The Covid-19 pandemic, in one sense, exposed the existing disparity and inequality in schooling. As a part of a telephone survey conducted by the Foundation for Agrarian Studies (FAS) in September–October 2020, several questions concerning the impact of the Covid-19 pandemic on education were asked to rural households that had one or more members whose primary status was “student.” There were 230 students belonging to 108 households (among 164 survey households). Our survey brings out important aspects of the predicament faced by young students in the time of the pandemic.

Alternative Classes: Education Under the Covid-19 Pandemic

The first question asked was “Are the students participating in any alternative classes?” In other words, the question asks to what extent students continued their studies with some type of support during the Covid-19 pandemic. We found considerable variation in the situation. Appendix Table 1 shows the number of students who participated in alternative classes, such as online sessions conducted by an educational institute; TV sessions conducted by State Governments or local governments; home tutoring paid by household members; or other classes provided by NGOs, educated co-villagers, and instruction from teachers occasionally visiting villages. All these have been major sources of support for students in the pandemic situation. Participation in alternative classes conducted or organised by educational institutions and governments was higher among older students: more than half the students (14 out of 24 students) aged 15–17 years participated in them, whereas only around one-third of students (31 out of 86 students) aged 6–14 years, i.e., children in primary school, participated in them. Among the 39 students aged 18 years and above, 24 participated in some form of class. For primary-level students, private tutoring paid by household members and alternative classes organised by NGOs, educated co-villagers, and teachers occasionally visiting villages were important supports. So too were the alternative classes conducted/organised by educational institutions and State Governments. However, the most important fact, as shown in Table 1, is that alternative classes did not cover all students: nearly three-fourths of students aged 6–17 years and two-thirds aged 18 years and above were out of these classes.

A more precise picture emerges from Appendix Tables 2 and 3, which show student participation in alternative classes according to social group and socio-economic class. We cannot calculate accurate proportions, as our samples are not designed to do so, but it can be safely pointed out that the more privileged strata of rural society, in terms of social group and socio-economic class, had better chances of attending alternative classes, especially alternative classes conducted by educational institutions. Table 2 shows that among 44 Scheduled Caste children in the survey, only 28 had access to any alternative classes. At the same time, 70 out of 92 children belonging to other castes had access to alternate classes. Among 12 of the Scheduled Tribe children (mostly from the Tripura villages), 10 had access to online sessions conducted by an educational institute as well as home tutoring paid by household members. Table 3 shows, among 15 students from landlord/capitalist farmer households, 12 attended an alternative class, whereas among the 28 students from manual worker households, only 16 students attended such a class. In three States, Kerala, Punjab and West Bengal, all the students in our survey had access to alternative classes, while in Bihar, only 13 out of 51 students in the survey had access to alternative classes. Although more analysis is needed on the causes of State-wise differences, the policies of the State Governments, like Kerala’s “First Bell” programme, which tries to mobilise local bodies and civil society together to support alternative ways of learning, are crucial factors along with the general development of school education in these States.

One of the reasons for the difference in outcomes across social groups and socio-economic classes is the type of educational institutions in which students study. Compared to public schools (i.e., government and government-aided schools), private institutions, which have relatively better resources, take quicker decisions and are more likely to organise alternative classes, as shown in Table 4 (this does not necessarily apply to Kerala). Among the 89 students aged 6 years and above who studied in government schools, 59 attended alternative classes, whereas among the 57 private school students, 48 attended alternative class during the lockdown. In the case of government schools, the number of them organising alternative classes was relatively small and varied by State. This fact is closely connected to socio-economic disparities within rural society. Tables 5 and 6 show that the more privileged strata of rural society, in terms of social group and socio-economic class, send their children to private institutions, even at the primary level. For example, almost all students belonging to the landlord/capitalist farmer class in the surveyed villages attended private schools (except in Zhapur, Karnataka and Katkuian, Bihar), whereas those belonging to the manual worker class attended public school (except in Siresandra, Karnataka and Khakchang, Tripura). Similarly, with regard to social group, among the 52 Scheduled Caste students, 37 and 15 attended public and private school, respectively; thus, more than half of Scheduled Caste students attended public school. Among the 139 students belonging to other caste groups, 74 and 65 attended public and private schools, respectively.

In addition to alternative classes, private tutoring supplements students’ studies, especially in the primary years. As Appendix Tables 2 and 3 show, private tutoring is more common among students belonging to the privileged strata of society, in terms of social group and socio-economic class, than among students belonging to Scheduled Caste, Scheduled Tribe, or manual worker households.

In short, although the Covid-19 pandemic is a universal situation that all children had to face, households with more resources were better able to cope with it, or at least to reduce its impact. Students from these households were more likely to attend private schools that implemented alternative classes quickly and widely. They also were more likely to have private tutors paid for by household members. However, among the households we surveyed, nearly one-third of students had no such alternative means of study.

Facilities

There were considerable regional and class-wise disparities in the facilities to support home-based study. We asked the following four questions in this regard:

1. Does the household have a smartphone/laptop to access online classes?
2. Is the internet service sufficient for attending online classes?
3. Does the household own a TV?
4. Is there any educated person in the household who can help students with schoolwork?

As Tables 8–11 show, there are disparities according to social group and socio-economic class in the responses to all four questions. It should be noted that the disparities are seen not only in terms of possession/access to the items but also in availability of educated persons in the household. A good number of these students are first-generation learners whose studies are possible only at schools. For example, 70 students belonging to other caste groups had an educated person in their home, whereas only 10 Scheduled Caste children and 1 Scheduled Tribe child had an educated person at home. When data are sorted by socio-economic class, we see that 20 children from the landlord/capitalist farmer class have an educated person in their home, whereas only 6 children from the manual worker class had an educated person at home.

It is beyond the scope of this note to discuss regional patterns in detail, but the survey suggests a few points that need further study. Appendix Tables 8 and 9 show the State-wise facilities that support education using the following scoring system: points were given to students answering “yes” to any of the four questions. So, if a student had access to all four facilities, their score is four, whereas if a student had none of them, their score is zero.

There are two groups among the States. In one group, comprising Kerala, Maharashtra, and Punjab, most households, including Scheduled Caste, Scheduled Tribe, and manual worker households, have all or three facilities to support students’ studies at home. The second group, comprising Bihar and Tamil Nadu, contains Scheduled Caste, Scheduled Tribe, and manual worker households with scores of zero or one.

Though we cannot generalise from the survey, the data suggest there is no single impact of the Covid-19 pandemic, and that there are tremendous variations according to social group, socio-economic class, and State.

Concluding Remarks

Our survey reveals that the Covid-19 pandemic not only made existing disparities and inequality visible but also aggravated them further. All students in India, and perhaps in many parts of the world, have suffered during the lockdown, but the worst-hit were those who did not have any place to study other than school itself. A substantial number of children were left behind without any support and facilities, especially in the villages of Bihar.

It may take years for students’ studies to become normalised. To aid this process, the development of pedagogic methods and equipment designed to support these students is of the utmost necessity. Given that the survey was conducted in September–October 2020, the numbers of dropouts were relatively small, and it is likely that the number of dropouts will increase when schools are reopened or when students advance to the next standard or education level. Special arrangements to ensure students’ return to schools and remedial studies are urgently needed.

Appendix Tables